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Welcome to the website for John K. Wilson’s new book, Barack Obama: This Improbable Quest (Paradigm Publishers, October 2007).
Barack Obama is quickly becoming America’s most popular politician, and his run for the presidency has brought huge crowds at home and an unprecedented wave of international attention as well. Much more than a biography, this book is a political tour of Obama’s legislative experience as well as his ideas about race, religion, and politics. Political writer John K. Wilson, author of four previous books including a study of Newt Gingrich, explores the reaction Obama has received from the left, the right, and the media.
To contact the author, please click here.
Submitted by JohnKWilson on Thu, 05/15/2008 - 4:01pm.
The new documentary Body of War,
from Phil Donahue and Ellen Spiro, is a powerful indictment of the war
in Iraq, the political process that approved it, and how we deal with
the wounded American soldiers.
The film, which opens Friday May 16 in Chicago, Minneapolis,
Lincoln, and St. Louis, tells the story of Tomas Young, a young man who
calls his recruiter on September 13, 2001 after seeing George W. Bush
at the site of the Twin Towers. He imagines that he will go to
Afghanistan to fight terrorists, but instead he is sent to Iraq where,
five days later, travelling in an unarmored truck (sadly, the poor
quality of military equipment at the start of the war is ignored in the
film), Tomas is shot in the collarbone, and he is paralyzed from the
chest down.
Throughout the movie, we see him in stark terms as he speaks out
against the war in Iraq and for stem cell research. We watch him
struggle to put jeans on, struggle to speak while waves of dizziness,
and an unwatchable scene with a catheter that surely ranks as one of
the more horrific in film history. Along the way, Tomas’ brother joins
the military and goes on two deployments to Iraq, much to the horror of
his mother.
If
Tomas is the hero of this movie, Congress (and George W. Bush) are the
villains, rushing into a war on false pretenses. The scenes with Tomas
are interspersed effectively with the 2002 comments of George W. Bush
and members of Congress who blithely repeat the absurd lies used to
justify war. Donahue and Spiro try to present the 23 Senators who voted
against the resolution for war as heroes, especially Robert Byrd.
Sometimes they go war over the top, as the movie stirs with annoying
uplifting music during the listing of their names. But it’s a powerful
reminder of how important elections are. The people in Congress really
do matter.
Perhaps Donahue’s wisest decision was to leave himself out of the
movie. He could have done a solid Michael Moore-type approach, and even
included the story of how he was fired by MSNBC in 2002, partly because
(as a memo later revealed) the corporate heads feared having an
anti-war voice anywhere on their network. Instead, Donahue lets Tomas
be the voice of this story. (Tomas also worked on creating an album titled "Body of War"featuring music by Eddie Vedder created for the movie and other songs donated by the artists.)
At an advance screening of the movie in Chicago on May 14, Phil
Donahue spoke about the movie and answered questions from the audience.
According to Donahue, "America is not seeing the sacrifices that are
being made." He notes: "This is the most sanitized war in my lifetime."
And so he urges: "Don’t sanitize the war. Show the pain." Donahue and
Spiro show the pain, but this isn’t a painful movie to watch. It’s sad
and outrageous and often even funny, but never boring.
One questioner lectured Donahue: "Your film should have had much
more about the Iraqi people." But as Donahue put it in his introductory
comments, "We knew we couldn't lecture, we couldn't rant, we couldn't
be tedious." Americans don’t relate to dead Iraqis. They don’t even
relate to lists of 4,000+ dead Americans, as the war in Iraq drops on
the list of public concerns as economic troubles rise. But a living
casualty of this war, Tomas, provides a literal "body of war" on the
screen that people can relate to.
Donahue notes that "mainstream media lost interest in this war." He
says he made the movie to "fill this black hole that is left by the
corporate media." His own movie doesn’t fit with the corporate model.
He doesn’t have a distributor, and depends on Landmark Theaters and
some independent theaters to show the movie. He doesn’t have the money
to promote the movie in the corporate press, so he’s forced to do some
innovative marketing (including singing "Take Me Out to the Ball Game"
at today’s Cubs game).
Phil Donahue obviously doesn’t need this movie to be successful in
order to improve his bank account or his reputation. But America needs
this movie to be successful in order to make sure that the war in Iraq
is not ignored by the press and the politicians in this election, and
to make sure that the next war is prevented before it ever starts, so
that we never need to see the broken bodies of people like Tomas Young.
Crossposted at DailyKos and JusticeMovies.
Submitted by JohnKWilson on Wed, 05/14/2008 - 1:11pm.
According to the exit polls,
West Virginia's voters revealed that they are the most racist in the
country so far in the Democratic primaries. Fully 20% of the voter
consisted of whites who reported that race was a factor, and they voted
for Clinton 84-10 over Obama. That's a total racist vote of 17%,
exceeding the racist vote in all of the previous primaries with exit polls, and going far above the 13.7% in Arkansas, the most racist state before now in this election.
The
exit poll asked whether Obama shares the views of Jeremiah Wright. Half
of the West Virginia voters polled said that he did (20% a lot, 30%
somewhat). Of those who thought Obama shares the views of Wright "a
lot", they voted 88-3 for Clinton. That's an astonishing number, and it
overlaps greatly with the voters admitting racism. It reflects one
vision of racists, that all black people think alike. But the influence
of the Rev. Wright case suggests that "iceberg racism" (the racism
beneath the surface) is also strongly affecting voting.
What may be most remarkable about these figures is that they show
how little history matters in racism. Remember, West Virginia was
created as a state during the Civil War when it broke away from
Virginia and rejected the Confederacy to remain part of the Union.
However, it's not clear if this separation really indicated the
people's views, but West Virginia was admitted to the Union in 1862 with the requirement that it gradually eliminate slavery.
So why is West Virginia more racist than the former Confederate
states? One reason might be lack of contact with blacks. The exit polls
indicated that voters were 95% white, and only 3% black. Whites may
hold on to bigotry when they rarely encounter blacks and do not have
their stereotypes challenged. However, Obama has done very well in
other all-white states, including Iowa and Vermont.
Perhaps it reflects economics. West Virginia (like the second most
racist state, Arkansas) tends to be a poor white-dominated state. In
the face of poverty, many people don't cling to guns or religion. They
cling to racism.
The Republican Party's rise to power in recent decades has largely
depended upon the fact that impoverished whites blame blacks rather
than corporations for their problems. Without these racist whites,
Republicans such as Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush
could never have won. The biggest hope for the future of the Democratic
Party is the dying off of the old racists who helped bring the
Republicans to power. But West Virginia skews very old, and poorly
educated, which is the worst possible demographic for Obama.
By contrast with race, gender was a key factor helping Hillary
Clinton. Overall 18% of the voters said gender was a factor, and they
supported Clinton 73-22. Incredibly, among the men who said gender was
a factor in their voting, they also supported Clinton 59-34. This
indicates that bigotry can be a divided concept. White people, and even
white men, can support a female candidate enthusiastically while
simultaneously revealing their dislike of black people.
But it's also possible that Hillary Clinton's success at overcoming
the sexism that I believe is out there can be attributed to
"sponsorship." Hillary Clinton can get the vote of men, and even sexist
men, because she has a well-liked white man, Bill Clinton, vouching for
her and giving her strong support. If so, the question becomes whether
the support of Obama by prominent white men (including Bill Clinton)
might help offset the bigotry that's so apparent.
As for the Limbaugh Effect, only 4% of the voters in West Virginia
called themselves Republicans, too small for reporting details of their
voting. From my calculations, though, Clinton won only about 60% of the
Republican vote, better than she did among Independents but less than
her margin among Democrats. So the Limbaugh Effect was less than 1% in
West Virginia. However, Limbaugh did not aggressively push for
Republican voting in West Virginia, which has a closed primary.
As the West Virginia primary shows us, in many parts of the country
racism is alive and well and controlling our political process. Many
commentators assume that Obama's success with the young and
well-educated is due to some "elitist" support he has among the
latte-sipping crowd. The real reason is racism. Younger people are less
likely to embrace racist views. Well-educated people are less likely to
embrace racist views. And that makes all the difference in America,
where the continuing significance of race can be measured with alarming
detail in West Virginia's primary.
Crossposted at DailyKos and Huffington Post.
Submitted by JohnKWilson on Tue, 05/06/2008 - 6:02pm.
The
Limbaugh Effect in Indiana and North Carolina was real, but fairly
small; however, it was enough to reduce Obama's margin of victory in
North Carolina, and it might be enough to provide Clinton with a
victory in Indiana.
According to exit polls,
in Indiana, among the 11% who described themselves as voting Republican
in the past, Clinton won 53-45%, not much different from Clinton’s
support among Democrats. However, due to fears about possible legal
action against Republicans trying to subvert the Democratic primary,
it’s possible that Limbaugh listeners either lied about their party
identification or who they voted for.
There
are other ways to try to measure this. Overall, 16% of Indiana voters
called themselves conservatives, and 65% supported Clinton (among the
4% who were very conservative, Clinton won approximately 70%). Also, in
an Obama-McCain match-up,
19% of the Indiana voters would vote for McCain, and of these 87% had
voted for Clinton. By contrast, in a projected Clinton-McCain match-up,
17% would vote for McCain, and only 58% of them had voted for Obama.
What does this mean? Basically, about 7% of the overall voters said
they voted for Clinton but support McCain no matter what. About 2% of
the voters voted for Obama but support McCain against either case.
Taking these numbers into account, I would guess that approximately 5%
of the Indiana electorate in the Democratic primary consisted of
Republicans seeking to vote against Obama to create chaos in the
Democratic Party.
Openly racist voters were a bigger factor. Fully 10% of the Indiana
voters in the exit polls were whites who said that race influenced
their voting, and 79% of these voters supported Clinton. So
approximately 8% of the voters in Indiana were whites voting against
Obama because of race (of course, many of these racists may be Limbaugh
listeners).
As in previous primaries,
gender helped Clinton in Indiana while race hurt Obama. Among the
voters who said that gender was not a factor in their vote, Clinton and
Obama split the vote equally. It was women voting for Clinton because
of her gender that created her likely margin of victory in Indiana.
In North Carolina exit polls,
the Limbaugh effect was equally powerful, and perhaps even more so.
There were more self-described conservatives (22%), and they voted
51-42% for Clinton, but among the 8% who were "very conservative,"
Obama actually won by a small margin. About 6% of the voters were
self-described Republicans (and they supported Clinton 56-35%).
However, it’s odd that self-described Independents split evenly between
Obama and Clinton, while Obama won Democrats easily, which is the
reverse of the case in Indiana and many other states. This suggests
that some of the dittoheads in North Carolina were calling themselves
independent.
The Limbaugh effect becomes clear in this stat: 19% of the voters
said they would support McCain in a match-up against Obama, and 82% had
voted for Clinton; that means they were disgruntled voters who say they
may not support the other Democrat. But of the 15% who would support
McCain in a match-up against Clinton, only 45% had voted for Obama.
This means that a large proportion of the anti-Clinton voters voted for
her, and that’s the Limbaugh effect. I would estimate that around 5% of
the voters in North Carolina were Republicans who voted for Clinton
despite hating her.
In North Carolina, racism was less of a factor than in other states,
while sexism was a bigger factor. 9% of the voters were whites who said
race impacted their vote, and 59% supported Clinton. That’s a net of
only 5-6% racist voters, less than in Indiana. By contrast, 21% of
voters said gender was a factor and Obama was supported by them 52-43
(however, Obama’s margin was even larger among those who said gender
was not a factor). Interestingly, as a total number, more women said
that gender was a factor and voted against Clinton than men who did so.
Overall, the North Carolina and Indiana exit polls show that the
Limbaugh effect is real and does affect the final margins. But the exit
polls also show that racism and sexism are alive and well in American
voting, even within the Democratic Party. Obama will be the Democratic
nominee, and we will need to find a way to defeat racism along with
John McCain in the November elections.
Crossposted at DailyKos.
Submitted by JohnKWilson on Tue, 05/06/2008 - 2:47pm.

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